In examining these specific questions—and larger ones about how the world is interconnected—Chanda does not emphasize his own experiences. But when appropriate, he uses small, personal details to cut big social, economic, cultural and sometimes biological processes down to size. For example, he uses an account of having his own DNA analyzed to illustrate how long migration has been central to the human experience. He also shows how close scrutiny of the iPod he gave his son can reveal much about the multinational origins of such objects. It was officially touted as “designed” by an American company and “assembled in China”; Chanda found it actually contained component parts and software with ties to India, Japan, South Korea and Scotland. And he marvels at the speed with which it traveled from Shanghai to New Haven via Alaska and Indiana, as well as at his ability to track its progress thanks to bar codes.
The debate over globalization has grown so polarized that many readers likely want to know if Chanda belongs in the “pro” or “anti” camp. But one theme of his book is that thinking this way doesn’t make sense. Those who gather at what are misleadingly called “anti-globalization” rallies, after all, don’t oppose all the ways the world is shrinking (they’re content to play world music at their protests, for instance). And their campaigns make use of many technologies (notably the Internet) that are crucial to 21st-century globalization.
Indeed, Chanda’s stand on the subject might be called that of a cautiously optimistic fatalist. Neither a starry-eyed apologist nor a virulent critic, he asserts that the only reasonable response to globalization is twofold: accept that the world is not going to stop shrinking, and figure out ways to maximize the positive and minimize the negative effects. He acknowledges the downsides of globalization (social inequities, the spread of new diseases and so on), yet argues that in many ways being “bound together” ever more tightly can ultimately be a good thing, benefiting more and more individuals and groups.
To be sure, the most gung-ho global boosters may feel let down by Chanda’s “on the one hand, but on the other hand” approach. And others may think, as I do, that he veers too close to a sort of free-market fundamentalism in stressing globalization can create a rising tide that will lift most boats. There are also some missed opportunities, especially regarding the cultural side of globalization. I would have loved to see him take the story of his son’s iPod one step further and look at the songs on it. Downloading the Beatles, after all, is an exercise in globalization: a British band influenced by American rhythm and blues with African roots whose lead guitarist developed a fondness for the Indian sitar.
Still, this is a book filled with fascinating information. And Chanda makes the most of his training as both journalist and scholar, bringing to his tale a reporter’s eye and sense of pacing as well as a breadth of knowledge. Even readers who disagree with his claims will come away with a host of new facts to draw on—such as the fact that while Asia is often seen as the starting point for new diseases, it has traditionally been the source of inoculations as well, including one for smallpox. They will also learn a lot about the history and deployment of the term “globalization,” to which Chanda devotes an excellent chapter, complete with an eye-catching graphic, that charts the rapid rise to ubiquity of this slippery and, until very recently, little-used term. In addition, many will never look at an iPod in quite the same way again.
